The Biden tenure is over. But the regime crooks are lurking in the shadows.
That’s why the Biden admin officials are now invading Washington, D.C. in a surprising way.
Biden’s DOJ Alumni Wage Legal War on Trump In Washington, D.C.
A wave of former Biden Department of Justice officials has transitioned into roles at left-leaning litigation firms, spearheading a coordinated legal offensive against the Trump administration. These attorneys, once entrusted with upholding federal law, are now leveraging their expertise to challenge Trump’s policies through a barrage of lawsuits. The move has raised questions about the impartiality of their prior roles and the motivations behind their rapid shift to advocacy.
The lawsuits, often filed by organizations now staffed with Biden-era DOJ veterans, have disrupted key elements of Trump’s agenda. From immigration enforcement to federal workforce reforms, these legal actions have bogged down the administration’s efforts, fueling frustration among Trump’s allies. The judiciary, already a contentious arena, has become a battleground where former Biden officials wield their influence to counter Trump’s executive actions.
Among the prominent players is Democracy Forward, a left-wing firm that has absorbed numerous former DOJ attorneys. In April, the group welcomed Jodie Morse, a former Deputy Associate Attorney General who led Biden’s abortion task force, and Brian Netter, a former Deputy Assistant Attorney General who fought state pro-life laws. “Democracy Forward brought four other former DOJ attorneys on board in May, as well as Biden’s former Deputy Associate Attorney General Paul Wolfson,” the organization announced.
Netter’s involvement is particularly notable. Court records show his name on cases challenging the appointment of Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche as acting librarian of Congress and the deportation of alleged Tren de Aragua gang members under the Alien Enemies Act. These cases, filed before judges like James Boasberg, illustrate the direct role former Biden officials are playing in obstructing Trump’s policies. The speed with which these attorneys have transitioned from public service to private litigation raises eyebrows about their long-term objectives.
Not content with joining existing firms, some former DOJ officials are launching their own outfits with explicit anti-Trump missions. Clayton Bailey, a Biden DOJ trial attorney who left in February, announced in May the creation of The Civil Service Law Center. “Since leaving DOJ, I’ve been thinking a lot about ways to combat the Trump Administration’s unprecedented efforts to dismantle the federal government,” Bailey wrote on LinkedIn. His firm filed a class-action lawsuit against the Department of Health and Human Services on June 3, representing terminated federal employees.
“The firm is committed to defending the dedicated federal employees who go to work every day to serve the American people,” Bailey told reporters. Such rhetoric frames these legal efforts as a defense of public service, but critics argue it masks a partisan agenda. The proliferation of these firms suggests a calculated strategy to undermine Trump’s administration from the outside, leveraging the expertise gained during Biden’s tenure.
Mike Davis, founder of the Article III Project, offered a scathing assessment of the trend. “Democrat lawyers at Democrat law firms illegally conspired with Democrat government officials to violate the constitutional rights of President Trump, his top aides, and his supporters before November’s election,” he shared with reporters. “And now that they’re out of power, they’re trying to interfere from the outside. This is yet another reason why the Senate must get to work and confirm President Trump’s nominees to ensure the will of the American people is respected and implemented.”
The Alliance for Justice (AFJ), now led by Rachel Rossi, former director of the Biden DOJ’s Office for Access to Justice, has also entered the fray. Rossi assumed the presidency of AFJ in April, and the group has since opposed all of Trump’s judicial nominees. AFJ has a history of advocating against Trump, including supporting efforts to remove him from the 2024 ballot.
Common Cause, another organization with ties to Biden’s DOJ, hired Omar Noureldin, former senior counsel in the Civil Rights Division, as senior vice president of its Policy & Litigation Department. “As our lead policy and legal expert, Omar will continue our fight to keep power where it belongs—in the hands of the people—not the politicians,” Common Cause President & CEO Virginia Kase Solomón has said. “An experienced attorney, he will help us put an end to the rampant corruption in Washington, stop the hostile takeover of the media, and get big money out of politics. He goes to work every day to make sure the government works for us, not just the wealthy and well-connected like Elon Musk.” Such statements frame their work as populist, but their focus on Trump-specific litigation suggests a narrower aim.
High-profile figures like former Attorney General Merrick Garland have also joined the legal resistance. In May, Garland moved to Arnold & Porter, a global firm with multiple pending cases against Trump’s administration. “It is an honor to return to Arnold & Porter, where I first learned how to be a lawyer and about the important role lawyers can play in ensuring the rule of law,” Garland said in a press release. The firm’s involvement in an amicus brief supporting Perkins Coie’s lawsuit against Trump’s executive order targeting government contracts adds weight to the perception of a coordinated effort.
WilmerHale, another major firm, welcomed former Assistant Attorney General for National Security Matthew Olsen in May. The firm is suing the Trump administration over an executive order limiting its government contracts and security clearances. Trump criticized WilmerHale for “welcoming” former special counsel Robert Mueller and his aides, writing in the order that the firm is “bent on employing lawyers who weaponize the prosecutorial power to upend the democratic process and distort justice.” A judge struck down the order in May, but the case highlights the ongoing legal tug-of-war.
Stacey Young, a former civil rights division attorney who championed diversity, equity, and inclusion policies at the DOJ, launched Justice Connection to support fired federal employees. “Since taking office, this administration has torn through DOJ’s workforce with recklessness and retribution — firing, threatening, and demoting hundreds of career civil servants simply for doing their jobs,” Young said in a statement. The group’s pro bono legal network, staffed by former DOJ employees, aims to represent those “targeted” by Trump’s administration, further entrenching the narrative of victimhood among former Biden officials.
Peter Carr, former spokesman for special counsels Robert Mueller and Jack Smith, now handles communications for Justice Connection. The group’s press release emphasizes its mission to protect federal workers, but its focus on Trump’s actions suggests a selective outrage.
Daniel Jacobson, a former Office of Management and Budget attorney, is supporting at least five cases challenging Trump’s termination of Biden-era grants. Jacobson launched his own firm in January, joined by former Biden DOJ attorneys like Kyla Snow, who defended the administration’s social media censorship efforts in Missouri v. Biden. This pattern of former officials targeting Trump’s policies while framing their work as public service raises questions about the impartiality of their prior roles.
The legal onslaught from Biden’s DOJ alumni reflects a strategy to preserve the previous administration’s legacy while obstructing the current one. As these former officials embed themselves in advocacy firms, their lawsuits chip away at Trump’s ability to govern, testing the resilience of his administration. The judiciary, caught in the crossfire, will likely remain a flashpoint as these battles unfold.
